“₦1 Billion For Politics, But What About The Ijaw People?” — “Is The Niger Delta A Political Tool Or A Region Deserving Development?” Tompolo’s Campaign Vehicle Donations Reopen Old Wounds And Raise Questions Over Ijaw Welfare And Tinubu’s 2027 Re-Election Bid

By Passman Akpos

The donation of 32 campaign vehicles by the PBAT Door-to-Door Movement, founded by Niger Delta businessman and traditional leader High Chief Government Oweizide Ekpemupolo, popularly known as Tompolo, has reignited questions about political priorities, public welfare and the benefits ordinary Niger Delta residents stand to gain from the movement’s nationwide mobilisation for President Bola Ahmed Tinubu’s re-election in 2027.

The vehicles were unveiled on Thursday, October 15, during the inauguration of the movement’s Oyo State executives at Liberty Stadium, Ibadan, in an event attended by political leaders, government officials and other stakeholders.

While the movement presents the donation as an investment in grassroots political mobilisation, the development raises a fundamental question for residents of the Niger Delta, particularly the Ijaw people: When will the resources and influence deployed to secure political power translate into visible improvements in the lives of ordinary people in the oil-producing communities?

₦1.1 BILLION IN REPORTED VEHICLES: WHAT ABOUT THE PEOPLE?

The Oyo State donation comes against the backdrop of reports that the movement has distributed 203 campaign vehicles across six northern states: Katsina, Borno, Kano, Taraba, Nasarawa and Niger.

According to the reported breakdown, the distribution comprises 34 vehicles in Katsina, 44 in Borno, 50 in Kano, 25 in Taraba, 25 in Nasarawa and 25 in Niger State.

An earlier estimate placed the combined value of those 203 vehicles at between ₦1.088 billion and ₦1.142 billion, based on assumed market prices for the vehicle types reported.

However, that estimate has not been independently verified and excludes the cost of campaign equipment, branding, transportation and other associated expenses. The figures also do not establish the complete nationwide expenditure of the movement.

The additional 32 vehicles unveiled in Oyo State bring the reported number to at least 235 vehicles across the seven states, assuming the reports concern separate donations.

If the Oyo vehicles fall within a similar price range, their estimated value could run into hundreds of millions of naira. However, their exact models, purchase prices and funding sources have not been independently established.

The numbers raise questions that deserve answers.

Who financed the purchases? Were the vehicles bought with personal funds, donations or contributions from other sources? Who owns them legally, and who will control them after the 2027 elections?

These are legitimate questions in a democracy, particularly when political mobilisation involves substantial resources.

WHAT WOULD THIS MONEY MEAN FOR THE NIGER DELTA?

For residents of several Niger Delta communities, the debate is not simply about whether Tompolo has the right to support a political candidate. He does.

The more important question is whether political influence and financial resources are being deployed in ways that also address the region’s longstanding social and economic challenges.

In some riverine communities, access to safe drinking water remains a serious concern. Residents also contend with inadequate healthcare facilities, difficult transportation, poor infrastructure, environmental degradation and limited employment opportunities.

For a family living in a community where accessing emergency medical care requires a difficult journey by boat, an adequately equipped ambulance boat or a functional health centre could mean the difference between life and death.

For a community struggling with unsafe drinking water, a properly maintained water project could deliver benefits long after an election campaign has ended.

For unemployed young people, vocational training, small-business support and transparent empowerment programmes could offer a pathway to economic independence.

This is the contrast at the heart of the debate: campaign vehicles are designed to mobilise voters, but hospitals, water systems, schools and employment programmes can improve lives regardless of political affiliation.

The question is not whether Tompolo should support Tinubu. It is whether the political influence being mobilised for 2027 is matched by an equally serious commitment to the welfare of Niger Delta communities.

WHY ARE IJAW COMMUNITIES ASKING QUESTIONS?

Tompolo’s political activities are attracting attention partly because of his prominent position in the Niger Delta and his association with the region’s oil-security landscape.

His supporters may argue that helping Tinubu secure re-election could preserve political relationships and strengthen the region’s influence at the federal level.

Critics, however, may reasonably ask what measurable benefits such political relationships have delivered to ordinary Ijaw families.

Have more communities gained reliable access to clean water?

Have healthcare facilities improved sufficiently to reduce preventable deaths?

Have unemployed youths received sustainable economic opportunities?

Have environmental concerns and the destruction of livelihoods received the attention they deserve?

Have communities hosting oil infrastructure experienced improvements in living standards commensurate with the strategic importance of the region?

These questions cannot be answered by the number of campaign vehicles displayed at political events.

They require verifiable information about public projects, expenditure, employment, healthcare delivery and development outcomes.

It is also important to distinguish Tompolo’s private political activities from public expenditure. The donation of campaign vehicles does not, by itself, establish that public funds were diverted from community development. Any such allegation would require documentary evidence.

Nevertheless, the contrast between expensive political mobilisation and persistent community needs deserves public scrutiny.

TINUBU’S RE-ELECTION: WHAT IS THE NIGER DELTA BEING ASKED TO SUPPORT?

The PBAT Door-to-Door Movement says its activities are intended to strengthen grassroots support for President Tinubu and other All Progressives Congress candidates ahead of the 2027 elections.

The political calculation is straightforward: organise supporters, reach voters and build the machinery required to win elections.

But elections should also provide an opportunity for citizens to assess what political leaders have delivered.

For residents of Bayelsa, Delta, Rivers and other Niger Delta states, the relevant questions extend beyond campaign promises.

What has changed in their communities?

What measurable progress has been made in tackling unemployment, improving public healthcare, expanding access to electricity and providing safe drinking water?

What concrete commitments will the federal government make to address environmental damage and the developmental needs of oil-producing communities?

And what mechanisms will ensure that promises made before the elections are fulfilled afterwards?

Support for a presidential candidate should not be treated as a substitute for accountability. Political mobilisation and community development are separate responsibilities, and citizens are entitled to demand both.

THE POLITICAL LEADERSHIP QUESTION

The presence of prominent officials at the Oyo event also raises a broader question about the relationship between political mobilisation and public responsibility.

Those reported to have attended included High Chief Kestin Pondi, Managing Director of Tantita Security Services Nigeria Limited, who represented Tompolo; Delta State House of Assembly Speaker Rt. Hon. Emomotimi Guwor; Presidential Amnesty Programme Administrator Dr. Dennis Otuaro; and Niger Delta Basin Development Authority Chairman Hon. Bosin Ebikeme.

Other political figures and stakeholders were also listed among the attendees.

Their presence does not establish wrongdoing, nor does it mean that all the officials share responsibility for financing the vehicles.

However, Nigerians are entitled to ask public officeholders how they intend to ensure that political activities do not overshadow the responsibilities for which their institutions were established.

For example, the Presidential Amnesty Programme is expected to serve its beneficiaries through rehabilitation, reintegration and related interventions.

Its administrator should be judged on the programme’s performance, transparency and impact on beneficiaries, not merely on attendance at political events.

Likewise, elected representatives and development officials should be assessed against their responsibilities to the public.

The standard should be consistent, regardless of party affiliation.

WHO BENEFITS AFTER THE 2027 ELECTIONS?

The future of the campaign vehicles is another issue deserving clarification.

Will they remain the property of the movement? Will they be transferred to political party structures? Will they be used for community projects after the elections, or will they continue serving political activities?

The answers would help the public understand the long-term purpose and ownership of the vehicles.

There is nothing inherently wrong with private individuals financing political campaigns. Political associations routinely mobilise resources to support candidates.

But when such activities involve substantial expenditure, transparency about ownership, financing and post-election use can help build public confidence.

For Niger Delta residents, the larger concern remains whether political relationships will produce lasting improvements in their communities.

2027 MUST BE ABOUT PERFORMANCE, NOT JUST MOBILISATION

Nigeria’s next general election offers voters an opportunity to evaluate the governing party, opposition parties and individual candidates.

For the Niger Delta, that assessment should include questions about development, environmental protection, public services, economic opportunity and the treatment of oil-producing communities.

Tompolo is entitled to support Tinubu. Nigerians are equally entitled to question the priorities behind that support and demand evidence of the benefits delivered to the people whose interests regional leaders frequently claim to represent.

The same standard should apply to the president, governors, lawmakers and other influential political figures.

No leader should receive unquestioning support simply because of ethnic identity, political affiliation, personal influence or regional connections.

The ultimate test of political leadership is not how many vehicles are assembled for a campaign, but what changes in the lives of ordinary people after the campaign is over.

As the 2027 elections approach, voters should demand clear answers, examine candidates’ records and make independent decisions based on credible evidence.

For the Ijaw people and the wider Niger Delta, the question is no longer merely who can mobilise the largest political machinery.

It is who can demonstrate a credible, measurable and accountable commitment to the people’s welfare.

And for the Tinubu administration, the challenge is equally clear: political mobilisation may help win votes, but only a convincing record of governance can justify asking Nigerians for another mandate.

TARAKIRIVOICE EDITORIAL NOTE: The reported vehicle figures and valuations have not been independently verified as a complete account of the movement’s nationwide activities. The movement should be given an opportunity to clarify the vehicles’ ownership, funding, purchase prices and intended post-election use. The concerns raised in this report are questions of public accountability, not findings of financial misconduct.